Showing posts with label Cognition. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cognition. Show all posts

Saturday, January 07, 2017

Another Pint of Commotion Lotion Please...

An interesting read from Christian Jarrett for the BPS Research Digest, titled 'My drunkenness means you did it deliberately' (2010).

With our brains gently soaked in alcohol we’re generally more sociable and relaxed – it’s a sedative after all. So why do drunk people seem so prone to aggravation and argument? One reason, say Laurent Bègue and colleagues, is that alcohol exacerbates the ‘intentionality bias‘, our natural tendency to assume that other people intended their actions. So when that guy jolts you at the bar and you’re drunk, you’re more likely to think he did it on purpose.
 
Bègue’s team recruited 92 men (aged 20 to 46) to take part in what they were told was a taste-testing study. They were given three glasses to taste, each containing a cocktail of grapefruit and grenadine cordial, mint and lemon concentrate. For half the participants, the drinks also contained alcohol – approximately the same amount found in five to six shots of vodka. To control for expectancy effects, half the participants with the alcoholic drinks and half the non-alcohol participants were told the drinks were alcoholic. Next, the participants spent 20 to 30 minutes on filler tasks, in keeping with the cover story that this was a taste-test study, and to allow the alcohol to kick-in. Finally and most importantly, the participants read 50 sentences about various actions (e.g. ‘He deleted the email’) and gave their verdict on whether the actions were intentional or not.
 
The intoxicated and sober men alike said that obviously intentionally actions (e.g. ‘she looked for her keys’) were intentional, and that blatantly unintentional actions (e.g. ‘she caught a cold’) were unintentional. But crucially, when it came to more ambiguous actions, like the email deletion example, the intoxicated men were significantly more likely (43 per cent) than the sober men (36 per cent) to say the action was intentional. Whether participants were told they’d had alcohol or not made no difference.
 
Why should alcohol have this effect? Bègue’s team think that it takes cognitive effort and control to overcome the intentionality bias, especially so as to take in all the information necessary to consider alternative explanations. Alcohol’s well-known disinhibitory and myopic (the ‘narrowing of attention’) effects would clearly undermine these faculties.
 
‘In summary,’ the researchers concluded, ‘alcohol magnifies the intentionality bias. Napoleon said, “There is no such thing as accident.” Our findings suggest that drunk people are more likely to believe Napoleon’s statement than are sober people.’
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Begue, L., Bushman, B., Giancola, P., Subra, B., and Rosset, E. (2010). “There Is No Such Thing as an Accident,” Especially When People Are Drunk. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36 (10), 1301-1304 DOI: 10.1177/0146167210383044

Tuesday, March 01, 2016

Learned Helplessness and Depression

One cognitive account of depression is the Learned Helplessness Theory (Seligman, 1975). It argues, that depression occurs when people expect that bad events will occur and that there is nothing they can do to prevent them, or cope with them.

Learned Helplessness Theory emerged through Martin Seligman's work with laboratory dogs. He designed an experiment which consisted of three individual dogs, all restrained by harnesses. Dog group (a) was the control group, receiving no electric shock. Dog groups (b) were paired up. One dog in a pair was administered with a mild electric shock and at any time the dog could cease the electric shock by stepping their paw upon a lever. Dog group (c) were too paired up, however one of the dogs was a wired up to a dog in group b and the shocks they received were in congruence with that of group (b). The idea of this was that the group (c) dog would receive a shock that was erratic in timing, unavoidable and inescapable. The tests resulted in groups (a) and (b) recovering quite promptly from the experience. As predicted however, group (c) dogs were left meek and subdued; portraying symptoms similar to those of clinical depression and thus conforming to Seligman’s predictions: that helplessness can be learned. 



Learned helplessness results from being trained to be locked into a system. It can involve a state of apathy or passive behaviour induced by negative conditioning. People may believe that their personal 'defects' will render them helpless to avoid negative events in the future, and their sense of hopelessness places them at significantly greater risk for depression.

Although Seligman theorized that learned helplessness and depression had similar origins, the theory was widely criticized and he has since revised his ideas in his 'Explanatory Style'. This proposes that depression is linked to how we attribute causalities of certain events in our life or traits of our existence (i.e. whether we attribute events to internal, stable or global aspects) (Yen, 1998). Therefore, it is interesting to ask whether learned helplessness is in fact a cause of depression or a correlated side effect of becoming depressed.
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"Life inflicts the same setbacks and tragedies on the optimist as on the pessimist, but the optimist weathers them better" ~ Martin Seligman

Saturday, August 16, 2014

Trichotillomania

Trichotillomania (TTM) is a condition in which people feel an overpowering urge to pull out their hair.  The urges seem uncontrollable and are often exacerbated by stress or other emotional upsets. The term was coined by the French dermatologist François Henri Hallopeau in 1889.
 
People who suffer from TTM will pull, pluck, or twist their hair until it comes out. Others may use instruments to achieve this goal. Sufferers will pull hair from any part of their body: scalp, face, eyelashes, arms, legs, or sometimes a combination of these areas. However the scalp is the most common pulling site. Some people may also have the compulsion to eat the hair. Less common is unconscious (or sleep-induced) hair pulling, in which the person doesn't consciously realize he or she is doing it. Symptoms usually begin before the age of 17 and it is more often seen in women, but can inflict either sex.
 
Analogous to self-injury , the act of hair pulling is usually followed by a period of intense self-blame, shame and sometimes anger because the 'puller' knows that the behaviour is in some way self-damaging, yet they can feel helpless to stop.

How many people does it affect?
The true prevalence of TTM isn't exactly clear, since people are often ashamed of their behaviour and are subsequently reluctant to discuss it, even with their GP. So it is therefore difficult to get reliable statistics. Historically it was thought to be rare, but the condition is now better understood and more people are seeking help. Recent estimates range from 1 to 3.5% of the population, depending on the definition used.
 
Treatment
Behaviour Therapy approaches include several techniques. The most central of these is Functional Analysis, or identification of the antecedents (precipitating behaviours, events, emotions, sensory experiences), behaviours (when, where and how does pulling occur?), and consequences (what does the youth get out of pulling?) associated with pulling. Other behavioural techniques include Habit Reversal Training (HRT) which consists of developing an awareness of sensations preceding and during pulling behaviour through self-monitoring and related techniques and the use of competing responses or compensatory behaviours that are incongruous to pulling. Stimulus Control which focuses on reducing environmental or other circumstances that trigger pulling is often included as well. Relaxation and other anxiety-management strategies, cognitive restructuring of thoughts related to pulling and self-soothing, and strategies to enhance motivation for treatment compliance may also be utilized as part of a behavioural approach.
 
 
 
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''It's a bit bigger than what you look like. It does something to you inside. Both happy and sad''.

Thursday, April 03, 2014

The Turing Test

This hypothetical test, named after the English mathematician Alan Mathison Turing (1912 - 1954), is to clarify the question as to whether computers can think. Turing introduced it in an article in the journal Mind in 1950, where he called it the imitation game.

A person A and an interrogator in a different room engage in a dialogue by typing messages over  an electronic link. At some point A is replaced by intelligent software that simulates human responses. Turing argued that if the remaining human being is free to ask probing questions (such as ''Please write me a sonnet on the subject of the Forth Bridge'') but is unable to determine reliably whether the replies are generated by a human being or a computer, then the computer will have passed the test.


Working hard or hardly working?
 
Turing considered the question Can machines think? to be 'too meaningless to deserve discussion' and argued that his test, which replaces it, poses a more meaningful problem. But passing the Turing test came to be interpreted by many of his followers as amounting to being able to think. Some of the most sustained attacks on this approach have focused on the Chinese room argument.
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''Computers are incredibly fast, accurate and stupid; humans are incredibly slow, inaccurate and brilliant; together they are powerful beyond imagination''     ~ Albert Einstein