Showing posts with label Experiment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Experiment. Show all posts

Sunday, January 05, 2020

The Screw You Effect

A form of experimental sabotage where the research participant does not want to conform to the experiments' demands. When a participant is in an experiment you may not get accurate results because they are aware of the experiment and in turn go out of their way to do everything wrong or go against everything you ask them to, in essence, they may deliberately try to ruin the experiment (the "screw you effect"; Masling 1966).

In Psychology, demand characteristics refers to when a person changes his/her behaviour because he/she is in an unfamiliar situation, carrying out artificial tasks and tries to make sense of this by 'working out' what the researcher wants. After 'working out' what the researcher wants, he/she will either try to 'please' the researcher by doing what he/she thinks the researcher wants them to do (known as the please you effect) or go against what the researcher wants by doing the opposite of what he/she thinks the researcher wants them to do (known as the 'screw you' effect).

For example, the children in Bandura's (1966) study of TV violence and aggression may have punched and kicked 'bobo dolls' because they thought that the study was a 'game' and that this was what Bandura wanted them to do (please you effect), rather than because they'd previously watched an adult punching and kicking the dolls on a video, as Bandura argued (i.e. it wasn't the video that caused the aggression but the expectations of Bandura).

Tuesday, May 01, 2018

The fact that these exist makes me a happier humanoid.


So put down that paper IMMEDIATELY - and bury your face in to some of these classics.


How many lies could Pinocchio tell before it became lethal?
Does Winnie the Pooh have a B12 Deficiency?
If Clouds Really Had Silver Linings
Defecating a Brick
Powering Disney’s Frozen with a Carnot Refrigerator
Effects of Dumping Pig Manure into a Lake –The Simpsons Movie
How much energy would be required for Game of Thrones dragon Viserion to destroy the Wall?
The Viability of coming in like a Wrecking Ball
Playing ‘The Floor is Lava’ in Real Life
Breaking Bad: Gus Fring’s Face Blown Off
How Long Would It Actually Take To Catch Them All?
Simply Walking into Mordor: How Much Lembas Would the Fellowship Have Needed?
"So hungry I could eat a horse!" - Could it be done?
Unbelievable Tekkers
How fast could a mermaid swim?
How far would The Proclaimers walk for you?
Temperature decrease in the brain from a Slush Puppie
Is purple rain possible?
Buddy the Elf’s Health Problems
The Range of the Dragon Shout in Skyrim
Could you survive on celery alone?
Slapping Someone Into Next Week
Are the Hometrees in James Cameron’s Avatar Structurally Possible?
Spidey Motion
Is it possible to cry a river?
The Viability of Throwing Giant Tortoises onto Mines


Pdfs for these available and many other page-turners here: Journal of Interdisciplinary Science Topics

Your eyes will fizz. Thank me later.

Wednesday, October 04, 2017

Women and Leadership

Why are women chosen to lead organisations in a crisis? (The following passage is from the BPS Research Digest, 2010).

The majority of major corporations and countries are headed by men. When women are appointed to leadership positions, it tends to be when an organisation is in crisis – a phenomenon known as the glass cliff. Recent examples include: the appointment of Lynn Elsenhans as CEO of the oil company Sunoco in 2008, just after their shares had halved in value; and the election of Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir as prime minister of Iceland, just after her country's economy had been crippled by the global recession (2012 update: or the appointment of Marissa Mayer as Yahoo CEO?).

Real life examples are supported by lab studies in which male and female participants show a bias for selecting female candidates to take charge of fictitious organisations in crisis. Further investigation has ruled out possible explanations for the glass cliff - it's not due to malicious sexism nor to women favouring such roles.

Now a brand new study suggests the phenomenon occurs firstly, because a crisis shifts people's stereotyped view of what makes for an ideal leader, and secondly, because men generally don't fit that stereotype. ‘…[I]t may not be so important for the glass cliff that women are stereotypically seen as possessing more of the attributes that matter in times of crisis,’ the researchers wrote, ‘but rather that men are seen as lacking these attributes …’.

Susanne Bruckmüller and Nyla Branscombe first established when the glass cliff is most likely to occur. They presented 119 male and female participants with different versions of newspaper articles about an organic food company. Participants were more likely to select a fictitious female candidate to take over the company if it was described as being in crisis, and its previous three leaders had all been male. For participants who read that the previous managers had all been female, the glass cliff disappeared - they were just as likely to select a fictitious male candidate to take over the crisis stricken firm as they were to select a female.

This finding suggests the glass cliff has to do with people believing that a change from the status quo (from male leaders to a female) is what's needed in a crisis. However, this explanation breaks down because the reverse pattern wasn't found. Participants didn’t show a bias for a male candidate to take over a crisis-stricken company that had had a run of three previous female leaders.

A second study explored the role of gender and leadership stereotypes and involved 122 male and female participants reading about a supermarket chain described either as thriving or in crisis. Next the participants rated their impression of two briefly described, fictitious managerial candidates, one male, one female, using attributes previously identified as being stereotypically male (e.g. competitive) or stereotypically female (e.g. strong communication skills). Finally, the participants rated the suitability of each candidate and stated which of them they'd hire.

In a successful context, the male candidate was judged to be more suitable for the role and was more likely to be selected – a replication of the bias seen in real life. More intriguing was that a crisis context led participants to attribute fewer stereotypically female attributes to the male candidate and to judge him as less suitable for the managerial role. Meanwhile, the crisis context didn't alter the qualities attributed to the female candidate, nor the perception of her suitability. Crucially, however, she was more likely to be selected in the crisis situation - you might say almost by default, given that the male candidate was now seen as being less suitable and having fewer appropriate attributes.

‘Our findings indicate that women find themselves in precarious leadership positions not because they are singled out for them, but because men no longer seem to fit,’ Bruckmüller and Branscombe explained. ‘There is, of course, a double irony here. When women get to enjoy the spoils of leadership (a) it is not because they are seen to deserve them, but because men no longer do, and (b) this only occurs when, and because, there are fewer spoils to enjoy.’


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Bruckmüller, S. & Branscombe, N. (2010). The glass cliff: When and why women are selected as leaders in crisis contexts. British Journal of Social Psychology, 49 (3), 433-451 DOI: 10.1348/014466609X466594

Post written by Christian Jarrett (@psych_writer) for the BPS Research Digest. Visit the DIGEST BLOG https://digest.bps.org.uk/ to search past items and discover more links.

Saturday, January 07, 2017

Another Pint of Commotion Lotion Please...

An interesting read from Christian Jarrett for the BPS Research Digest, titled 'My drunkenness means you did it deliberately' (2010).

With our brains gently soaked in alcohol we’re generally more sociable and relaxed – it’s a sedative after all. So why do drunk people seem so prone to aggravation and argument? One reason, say Laurent Bègue and colleagues, is that alcohol exacerbates the ‘intentionality bias‘, our natural tendency to assume that other people intended their actions. So when that guy jolts you at the bar and you’re drunk, you’re more likely to think he did it on purpose.
 
Bègue’s team recruited 92 men (aged 20 to 46) to take part in what they were told was a taste-testing study. They were given three glasses to taste, each containing a cocktail of grapefruit and grenadine cordial, mint and lemon concentrate. For half the participants, the drinks also contained alcohol – approximately the same amount found in five to six shots of vodka. To control for expectancy effects, half the participants with the alcoholic drinks and half the non-alcohol participants were told the drinks were alcoholic. Next, the participants spent 20 to 30 minutes on filler tasks, in keeping with the cover story that this was a taste-test study, and to allow the alcohol to kick-in. Finally and most importantly, the participants read 50 sentences about various actions (e.g. ‘He deleted the email’) and gave their verdict on whether the actions were intentional or not.
 
The intoxicated and sober men alike said that obviously intentionally actions (e.g. ‘she looked for her keys’) were intentional, and that blatantly unintentional actions (e.g. ‘she caught a cold’) were unintentional. But crucially, when it came to more ambiguous actions, like the email deletion example, the intoxicated men were significantly more likely (43 per cent) than the sober men (36 per cent) to say the action was intentional. Whether participants were told they’d had alcohol or not made no difference.
 
Why should alcohol have this effect? Bègue’s team think that it takes cognitive effort and control to overcome the intentionality bias, especially so as to take in all the information necessary to consider alternative explanations. Alcohol’s well-known disinhibitory and myopic (the ‘narrowing of attention’) effects would clearly undermine these faculties.
 
‘In summary,’ the researchers concluded, ‘alcohol magnifies the intentionality bias. Napoleon said, “There is no such thing as accident.” Our findings suggest that drunk people are more likely to believe Napoleon’s statement than are sober people.’
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Begue, L., Bushman, B., Giancola, P., Subra, B., and Rosset, E. (2010). “There Is No Such Thing as an Accident,” Especially When People Are Drunk. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36 (10), 1301-1304 DOI: 10.1177/0146167210383044

Saturday, April 02, 2016

The McGurk effect

A phenomenon that occurs when a speech sound does not match the shape of the lips producing it, as when the sound corresponding to the usual pronunciation of the word gay is dubbed on to a video image of a person uttering the word bay, causing the listener to hear a word intermediate between the two (day).

The effect shows that the visual channel conveys important information not just to deaf people but also to listeners with normal hearing. For those with minor hearing loss, speech reading can be a very valuable way to maximize the hearing they still do have. Also, this reveals more about why watching the mouth is so important in intense language learning.

The phenomenon is named after the Scottish psychologist Harry McGurk (1936-98) who co-authored the first article on it, entitled 'Hearing Lips and Seeing Voices' in the journal Nature in 1976.


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Tuesday, March 01, 2016

Learned Helplessness and Depression

One cognitive account of depression is the Learned Helplessness Theory (Seligman, 1975). It argues, that depression occurs when people expect that bad events will occur and that there is nothing they can do to prevent them, or cope with them.

Learned Helplessness Theory emerged through Martin Seligman's work with laboratory dogs. He designed an experiment which consisted of three individual dogs, all restrained by harnesses. Dog group (a) was the control group, receiving no electric shock. Dog groups (b) were paired up. One dog in a pair was administered with a mild electric shock and at any time the dog could cease the electric shock by stepping their paw upon a lever. Dog group (c) were too paired up, however one of the dogs was a wired up to a dog in group b and the shocks they received were in congruence with that of group (b). The idea of this was that the group (c) dog would receive a shock that was erratic in timing, unavoidable and inescapable. The tests resulted in groups (a) and (b) recovering quite promptly from the experience. As predicted however, group (c) dogs were left meek and subdued; portraying symptoms similar to those of clinical depression and thus conforming to Seligman’s predictions: that helplessness can be learned. 



Learned helplessness results from being trained to be locked into a system. It can involve a state of apathy or passive behaviour induced by negative conditioning. People may believe that their personal 'defects' will render them helpless to avoid negative events in the future, and their sense of hopelessness places them at significantly greater risk for depression.

Although Seligman theorized that learned helplessness and depression had similar origins, the theory was widely criticized and he has since revised his ideas in his 'Explanatory Style'. This proposes that depression is linked to how we attribute causalities of certain events in our life or traits of our existence (i.e. whether we attribute events to internal, stable or global aspects) (Yen, 1998). Therefore, it is interesting to ask whether learned helplessness is in fact a cause of depression or a correlated side effect of becoming depressed.
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"Life inflicts the same setbacks and tragedies on the optimist as on the pessimist, but the optimist weathers them better" ~ Martin Seligman

Monday, January 04, 2016

I'll see you when I get my new glasses...

Have a look.




 
The Explanation: 
 
Inattentional blindness, a phenomenon known as "the failure to notice an unexpected stimulus that is in one’s field of vision when other attention-demanding tasks are being performed." This phenomenon is classified as a psychological attentional error - and you'll be relieved to know -  not the result of visionary deficits. The main reason for this lack of attention is the overload of stimuli surrounding us; in order to be able to focus on the intended things, we learn to disregard many others and be unaware of the unattended stimuli. There have been a large number of experiments demonstrating that this phenomenon has a significant effect on people’s perception...and now this one with you.
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"What we see depends mainly on what we look for." ~ John Lubbock

Sunday, July 05, 2015

The Lost Letter Technique

This is an unobtrusive measure of attitudes in which stamped addressed envelopes are scattered in public places, as if left by accident, the proportion being posted by members of the public and turning up at the addresses on the envelopes providing a crude index of attitudes in the community.
 
For example, if half the envelopes are addressed to a pro-same-sex marriage organisation and half to an anti-same-sex marriage organisation, and if equal numbers of pro-same-sex marriage and anti-same-sex marriage envelopes are distributed but significantly more of the pro-same-sex marriage envelopes are returned; then it may be concluded that members of the community are more favourably disposed towards the pro-marriage than the anti-marriage cause.
 
The technique was introduced by the US psychologist Stanley Milgram (1933-84) and colleagues in an article in the journal Public Opinion Quarterly in 1965. Milgram's classic use of the Lost Letter Technique as a behavioural measure of attitudes showed that return rates can be influenced by the addressee written on the letter, particularly when the addressee represents a controversial organization (Milgram, 1969; 1977; Milgram et al., 1965).
Colman, 2009
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Friday, May 01, 2015

Traumatic Brain Injury: Blast-Induced Neurotrauma and Sequelae in Military Personnel

Traumatic brain injury (TBI) is “an alteration in brain function, or other evidence of brain pathology, caused by an external force” (Bagalman, 2013, p. 2). There are two major forms of TBI; closed head and penetrating head. Closed head TBI is a result of the head coming to a rapid standstill while the brain, suspended in fluid, continues to strike the skull; also termed the “bobble head” effect (Goldstein, McKee, & Stanton, 2014). The severity of closed head TBI is classified as: mild, moderate or severe (Graner, Oakes, French et al., 2013). Penetrating head TBI is a result of an object entering the skull and into the brain (Kovacs, Leonessa, Grimes et al., 2014). Blast-induced TBI (bTBI) is argued to be a third type, although this is not universally accepted (Kovacs et al., 2014).
 
In war settings, the majority of military-related TBI is the result of exposure to explosive blasts (McKee & Robinson, 2014). Bombings have become an increasingly effective terrorism tool and in the current conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, bTBI has become frequently common among service members. Explosive related injury is not a new phenomenon, but an increasing use of bombings in modern warfare has created further attention.

In World War I (1914-1918), military exposed to bomb blasts often experienced what became known as shell shock or “commotio cerebri”. The condition often left soldiers unable to fight, but the pathology was unclear. In modern times, it is now known that blast-related brain injury can leave no external marks of damage (Suh et al., 2007).

Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) are regularly encountered in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Explosives are categorized as either high-order explosives (HE) or low-order explosives (LE). Briefly, HE detonate quickly and produce an over-pressurization blast wave that rapidly expands from the detonation point. In contrast, LE produce a subsonic explosion without an over-pressurization wave, and are regarded as less destructive. Soldiers in the proximity of an explosion can receive four types of blast injury; primary, secondary, tertiary, and quarternary. Primary injuries result from the physical forces generated by the blast wave, secondary injuries are inflicted from flying debris, tertiary can occur from a body being thrown and striking an object and quarternary relate to all other injuries not covered by the first three types; such as burns (Kovacs et al., 2014).
 
All body parts can be affected from secondary, tertiary, and quarternary blast injuries (Lemonick, 2011); however the current post focuses on blast-wave associated primary injuries. As well as neurotrauma, a number of injuries are associated with primary blast effects. The most vulnerable regions of the body are the air-fluid components found in the lungs, bowel, and middle ear. Barotrauma (injuries sustained from blast-wave induced changes in atmospheric pressure) can lead to organs and tissues being damaged from stretching and shearing forces (Kocsis & Tessler, 2009). Pulmonary barotrauma, or “blast lung”, is the most commonly fatal primary blast injury (Scott, Vanderploeg, Belanger et al., 2005). Other injuries include ruptures to the tympanic membrane of the ear and gastrointestinal tract, and damage to the eye globe (Fuse, Okumura, Tokuno et al, 2011).
 
Brain injuries from primary blast can include: concussion (Lemonick, 2011); systemic acute gas embolism induced by pulmonary barotrauma can cause the blood vessels to the brain to become obstructed, and this can cause damage such as edema, diffuse axonal injury and hemorrhage (Fuse et al., 2011); vasospasm, the constriction of blood vessels, can occur in cerebral regions and last for as long as one month (Levine & Kumar, 2013); contusions can also appear on the frontotemporal regions and occipital lobes as a result of brain shift (Elder, Mitsis, Ahlers et al., 2010). Blast-related mild TBI has been associated with neurodegeneration and large disruptions to white matter tracts, and this damage is compounded if the person had experienced previous bTBI (Davenport, Lim, Armstrong et al., 2011). Symptoms of concussion and mild TBI often subside over a few weeks, however some people may develop chronic symptoms or postconcussive syndrome; including symptoms of sleep disturbances and prolonged psychological distress (McKee & Robinson, 2014). The pathological effects on the brain from a blast-wave are still not fully understood; the two most prominent theories are presented below. 

Coup-Contre-Coup Injury

The leading theory on how explosive blast causes TBI is the pressure wave mechanism. This theory posits that shock waves generated from an explosion travel through the air, impacting the head, which then passes through the brain causing its acceleration and deformation (Kovacs et al., 2014). In addition to the shock waves impacting the victim’s head, further damage can be inflicted to the brain by what is known as a ‘coup-contre-coup’ injury. When an explosion detonates close to a soldier, the pressure-wave impacts the blast-facing surface of the skull; this ‘coup’ injury causes the brain to knock against the skull that creates neurotrauma at the point of contact. Following the initial impact, the brain is violently shifted to the opposite side of the skull leading to the ‘contre-coup’ injury (Goodrich et al., 2013).
 
Since the Balkan Wars in the 1990s, Dr. Ibolja Cernak has become a leading researcher in blast-induced neurotrauma. Interest in this form of TBI was inspired when she examined soldiers presenting with memory deficits, speech problems, dizziness, and decision-making difficulties after exposure to explosions. Unusually, the majority of these soldiers did not have any external signs of injury, but MRI scans showed much internal damage to the brain; including enlarged ventricles and minor internal bleeding (Bhattacharjee, 2008). Later, soldiers returning from the Iraq war complained of cognitive and behavioural problems; many of whom had suffered blast exposure and loss of consciousness without noticeable head injuries. This resulted in Cernak devising her theory for the pathology of this TBI; the vascular transmission theory. The theory argues that once a blast-wave strikes a soldier, kinetic energy travels through the blood vessels towards the brain. Specifically, the blast that impacts the torso area compresses organs and forces blood into the skull (Dennis & Kochanek, 2007). The pulse oscillates rapidly through the neck and enters the brain, damaging axons and neurons in the hippocampus, brainstem, and structures around the cerebral vessels (Bhattacharjee, 2008). This theory is debated more than the pressure wave mechanism but both theories are likely valid in the pathogenesis of bTBI (Kovacs et al., 2014). Moreover, whichever theory is accepted, what is certain is that brain injuries are the result.
 
A neurodegenerative disease that can develop in military exposed to bomb blast is chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE); which is caused, in part, by repetitive brain trauma (Baugh et al., 2012; Goldstein et al, 2012). Previously only associated with boxers, the symptoms of CTE often appear years after a trauma-producing event which can make it difficult to diagnose. Symptoms of CTE can include cognitive deficits, mood disorders, and behavioural problems (Baugh et al., 2012). Frequently observed gross pathologic features of CTE are generalized cerebral atrophy, thalamic and hypothalamic atrophy, enlargement of the lateral and third ventricles, shrinkage of the mammillary bodies, and thinning of the corpus callosum (McKee & Robinson, 2014). Injuries associated with bTBI are not only confined to neurological damage, as psychological issues can also develop.
 
A psychological problem encountered by some victims of bTBI is post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Warden, 2006). PTSD is an anxiety disorder stemming from “a delayed and protracted response after experiencing or witnessing a traumatic event involving actual or threatened death or serious injury to self or others”. Warden (2006) notes soldiers with mild TBI have a higher risk of developing PTSD. Mild bTBI shares much similarity with the clinical features of PTSD, such as difficulties with concentration (Kanter, 2007), sleep disturbances, and mood alteration (Ling et al., 2009). Due to the similar characteristics of both, a problem arises here with the potential for misdiagnosis (Ling et al., 2009). As soldiers may present with co-occurring symptoms, Warden (2006) advises that clinicians should be mindful of each diagnosis during assessments. This helps to avoid the wrong forms of therapy being offered to soldiers. Soldiers who suffer TBI are also more susceptible to depression. Depression after TBI is estimated to be three times more likely than the rates for the general population. Further, as with PTSD, overlapping symptoms of depression and TBI can make TBI diagnosis difficult. This again highlights a need for clinicians to adequately assess military personnel exposed to bomb blast.
 
Treating TBI victims from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars could be astronomical, with some estimating that 14 billion dollars could be spent over the next 20 years (Bhattacharjee, 2008). Due to the economic burden and the physical and psychological consequences of bTBI, there is a growing interest in research of animal models of trauma. The most common experimental models of explosive blast are open field blasts, blast tubes, and shock tubes. A detailed description of each was discussed by Kovacs and colleagues (2014) and is summarized here. Open field blasts are regarded as the most accurate representation of blast-injury in humans. They utilize an explosive device that is detonated in an outdoor location. The instrument can be placed on the ground or suspended, with animal subjects placed at specific distances. It is a valid blast model; as real-life combat explosions involve shock wave reflections from surfaces such as the ground or walls.

The second model, the blast tube, creates a shock wave and blast wind once detonated. It ensures animal subjects are exposed to a “pure” blast without reflected shocks, and prevents secondary, tertiary, and quarternary injuries.
Typical Shock Tube Experimental Setup
Lastly, shock tubes use compressed gas and are an alternative to the blast tube. Regarded as safer and more economical, they have the added benefit of being easily used in lab settings. Furthermore, shock tubes can mimic primary blast injuries to isolated body parts, such as the head or abdomen. Kovacs et al. (2014) also highlight some problematic elements of the models, such as weather conditions when using open field blasts, or the possibility of shock tube fragments impacting the subject, making comparison to human injury difficult to extrapolate.
 
Exposing animals to primary blast effects show that neurological impairments can occur due to structural changes in the brain (Kocsis & Tessler, 2009). For example, rodent brains examined after a primary blast exposure in concrete bunkers showed evidence of widespread microglial activation (Kaur, Singh, Lim et al., 1995), suggesting cell damage after the blast. Although studies often employ using rodents because of expense factors, numerous physiological responses can be different in smaller animals. Therefore, a larger animal would be more suitable to replicate blast-induced trauma, with swine becoming the preferred choice. The key reason for using swine is that they closely match some human anatomy and physiology (Swindle, 2010). As well as having anatomical similarities with abdominal organs such as the liver, kidney, and pancreas; similarities also exist with the skin and subcutaneous tissues. Swindle (2010) adds that they have a large gyrencephalic brain and similar cardiothoracic anatomy and physiology.
 
Blast models use anesthetized swine suspended in slings or in fixed supports. The animal is exposed to altering degrees of explosives that are situated at various proximities. Injuries incurred are mainly due to the blast wave that follows the explosion. Specifically researching neurotrauma in the animal, Swindle (2010) discovered that neuropathology was most evident in the white matter with fiber degeneration and astrocytosis; while short and long-term movement disruptions were also observed. Again, drawbacks exist with these animal models. As a general anesthesia is required for ethical purposes, experimenters regard it to complicate factors when later examining physiological outcomes on the animal (Swindle, 2010). Further, experimental difficulties have been acknowledged when comparing low level blasts on animal subjects to how they may affect a human (Elder, Stone, & Ahlers, 2014); with some authors arguing that blast experiments need to start incorporating phantoms and human (cadaver) heads to fully validate the results in these blast models (Gupta & Przekwas, 2013).
 
Bombings have increased dramatically in modern warfare. Blast-induced TBI can have neurological (Baugh et al., 2012; Davenport et al., 2011; Fuse et al., 2011), psychological (Warden, 2006) and economic implications (Bhattacharjee, 2008), consequently much interest focuses on soldier protection. Due to advancements in improving the effectiveness of body armor, more and more soldiers are surviving explosions that may have resulted in death during previous wars (Warden, 2006). Subsequently, this has led to an increased prevalence of TBI. Research on protective head gear in sport has shown that impact forces to the brain are reduced; however they do not lessen incidences of concussion (McCrory et al., 2009; Zafonte & Discussant, 2011). Difficulties developing the most optimal forms of head protection (and armor) in the military also exist. For example, Cernak (2010) conducted experiments with mice examining protective blast measures. Using shock tubes, the animal model had three conditions; whole body blasts without protection, torso protected, and head protected.
 
Cernak discovered that; head protection did not prevent chronic inflammation and neurological deficits in the mice; the same damage was seen in both the head protected condition as well as full body exposure; and the torso protection reduced blast-induced morphological changes in the brain. Cernak (2010) believes that this research further supports the vascular transmission theory of bTBI. In military settings, blast pressure waves can be more than 1,000 times that of atmospheric pressure, which can make the most modern helmets ineffective. Resultantly, combat soldiers wearing helmets beside explosions often display neurological impairments (Bhattacharjee, 2008). Therefore, Cernak suggests that to prevent bTBI, there should not only be a focus on developing optimal head protection, but a strong emphasis on body armor.
 
Although physical protection from explosions is paramount, other authors have examined neurological protection post blast (Giovanni et al, 2005). After initial blast exposure, neural activity can be weakened, and as a brain injury evolves; subsequent excitotoxicity exacerbates neuronal damage (Dennis & Kochanek, 2007). Giovanni and colleagues (2005) researched treatment on cell cycle inhibition after TBI. They found that neural degeneration may be halted with the use of cell-cycle inhibitors. Reductions in lesion volume and a near complete recovery were observed in rats, with the experimenters proposing that cell-cycle inhibitors be incorporated as a TBI clinical treatment. If researchers continue to struggle with developing blast protection, techniques to assess and diagnose bTBI will be increasingly required. Neuroimaging techniques have become vital tools in this regard. 

Soldiers are often exposed to blasts but fail to report it due to not perceiving any injury. Therefore a number of neuroimaging techniques are used to improve diagnosis and treatment of bTBI. The first of these is computerized tomography (CT) scanning which is presently the standard equipment used for examining soldiers with head injuries (Benzinger et al., 2009). Readily available in most military hospitals, it has the ability to identify contusions, hematomas, penetrating injuries and fractures; although it is limited in distinguishing normal from mild blast injury (Benzinger et al., 2009). As noted, vasospasm is regularly identified in soldiers exposed to blast (Levine & Kumar, 2013), and transcranial doppler (TCD) is a vital screening tool for this bTBI symptom. The equipment is also highly portable which makes it ideal for battlefield implementation.


MRI Scan
Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) has recently become a preferred imaging tool for identifying brain lesions in people with mild TBI. Although it can identify up to 50% more lesions than CT, precaution must be taken for embedded shrapnel which could lead to further injury from the equipment’s magnet. Positron emission tomography (PET) has also added understanding to the underlying pathophysiology in TBI, but it requires significant equipment that makes it logistically unfeasible for military field screenings (Benzinger et al., 2009).
 
In cases of mild TBI, technology such as MRI and CT regularly fail to detect focal lesions (Graner et al., 2013). However, neuroimaging that shows increasing promise with bTBI is Diffusion-tensor imaging (DTI). DTI is an MRI technique used to examine microstructural properties of white matter (Davenport et al., 2011). DTI can identify lesions on specific axonal pathways, which may improve future diagnoses of cognitive dysfunction in mild TBI (Benzinger et al., 2009). Hayes and colleagues (2011) reported a case study of a soldier exposed to multiple blast injuries. Using DTI, analysis revealed changes in white matter integrity that had led to cognitive decline in the subject; further supporting the theory of neurotrauma from blast exposure. Unfortunately, there is little research on the usefulness of DTI in assessing CTE (Baugh et al., 2012) and debate surrounds its effectiveness for evaluating acute concussion (Ianof et al, 2014).
 
An additional suggestion for bTBI diagnoses is the possible implementation of oculomotor testing. Neural connections in eye movements and higher cognitive functions are similar and eyetracking could offer a sensitive tool for diagnosing certain cognitive impairments (Suh et al, 2007). The researchers add that the mobile equipment makes it simple to administer on the injury site. Alternatively, as some neuroimaging may not detect certain forms of neurological damage associated with bTBI (Graner et al., 2013), a new device has been introduced that may help decide what form of neuroimaging should be used. “Blast badges” use specialized colour-changing crystals that break apart when exposed to a blast shockwave. Attached to the soldiers uniform, the colour change corresponds with the level of blast intensity and potential harm to the brain (Cullen et al., 2011). The researchers expect this novel device to become a key instrument in the future, that will compliment neuroimaging techniques, help decide what medical care to provide, and when the soldier should return to duty.
 

Colour changing Blast Badges
 
In the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts, TBI has become the ‘signature injury’ akin to that of shell shock in the 1st World War. In civilian populations, TBI is regularly experienced (Goodrich et al., 2013); however bTBI is more confined to combat settings (Ling et al., 2009; McKee & Robinson, 2014). Blast-induced TBI can have psychological and neurological consequences. Kovacs et al. (2014) remark that “knowing the pathology is necessary to fully understand a disease” (p. 5). In this regard, research with animals shows promise in producing a reliable model that can replicate blast injuries to the human brain. Although difficulties surround creating the ideal protective equipment for soldiers, neuroimaging techniques and novel technology such as “blast badges” may help in future guidance of the appropriate treatments for blast-induced neurotrauma.
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Only the dead have seen the end of war ~ Plato

Friday, July 18, 2014

The Porcelaine Throne



I don't know why either?

But if you think that's bad it could be worse. In 1976, Middlemist and colleagues carried out an experiment in which they measured the time to onset and the duration of urination of men in toilets at a college. The ''purpose'' of the research was to study the effect of personal space on a measure of physiological arousal (urination times).
 
The students were observed while alone or with a confederate of the experimenter, who stood at the next stall or at a more distant stall in the restroom. The presence and closeness of the confederate did have the effect of delaying urination and shortening the duration of urination. The situation is one that men experience on a regular basis, however one can question whether the invasion of privacy was justified.
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Whether you squat in an alley or sittin' on a porcelain throne, don't really change the moment, now do it?
                                                                                                                                                       ~ Omar, The Wire

Sunday, June 01, 2014

Chinese Room Argument

The Chinese room argument is a thought experiment. It was first proposed by the US philosopher John Searle (pictured) in the journal Behavioural and Brain Sciences in 1980 , in which many people feel he thoroughly disproved the notion that any computer program could acquire true intelligence. It is one of the best known and widely credited counters to claims of artificial intelligence (AI) - that is, to claims that computers do or at least can (someday might) think.

It was written to demonstrate a simple point - intelligent behaviour does not equate to intelligence. This doesn't mean AI design is impossible, but that a behavioural-based model for intelligence is flawed.

Imagine yourself a monolingual English speaker, ''locked in a room, and given a large batch of Chinese writing'' plus ''a second batch of Chinese script” and ''a set of rules'' in English ''for correlating the second batch with the first batch.'' As Searle explains how it works: ''Suppose that unknown to you the symbols passed into the room are called 'questions' by the people outside the room, and the symbols you pass back out of the room are called 'answers to the questions' ''. Just by looking at your answers, nobody can tell you ''don't speak a word of Chinese.''

The point he makes is that you may hand out the appropriate and even accurate answers and that those responses may serve to connect with the expectations of those asking the questions.  However, it does not indicate that any real understanding has taken place or that any sort of meaning is actually attached to the question and answer process that is taking place.



 
It should be conceded that Searle's argument is effective in showing that certain kinds of machines - even machines that pass the Turing Test - are not necessarily intelligent and do not necessarily "understand" the words that they speak. This is because a computer sitting on a desk with no sensory apparatus and no means of causally interacting with objects in the world will be incapable of understanding a language. Such a machine might be capable of manipulating linguistic symbols, even to the point of producing output that will fool human speakers and thus pass the Turing Test. However, the words produced by such a machine would lack one crucial ingredient: The words would fail to express any meaningful content and thus would fail to be "about" anything.

What's the point?
It doesn't matter how perfectly a computer is designed to simulate the intelligence of a human being - because its behaviour is a result of aimlessly executing instructions, not understanding. In this case, the means defines the end. You're reading this sentence, and understanding it without demonstrating behaviour of any kind. A system's behaviour doesn’t indicate intelligence or understanding, and a system that behaves intelligently is not necessarily ''intelligent.''
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Before we work on artificial intelligence why don't we do something about natural stupidity

Monday, March 17, 2014

Prejudice is a stinky cologne

''What's most interesting is that we are often disgusted by other people. We have laboratory research that explores the relationship between feelings of disgust and feelings towards out-groups.
 
People differ in how sensitive they are to disgust. It turns out that where you stand with regard to disgust correlates with your feelings about out-groups. It correlates with your feelings about immigrants, sexual minorities, race etc. The more easily disgusted you are, the more aversion you find to these others.

We also know this experimentally. We know that by making people be disgusted, we can make them meaner.

We brought people into the lab at Cornell University and we asked them all sorts of questions regarding their feelings towards different out-groups and different policies. What do you think of African-Americans? What do you think of gay men? What do you think of social-welfare? etc.
 
Half the people just filled out the form and went home. The other half of the subjects went into the room, got the same survey. But before they entered the room, we sprayed the room with a 'fart-spray'. And it would make them meaner! Not towards everything, but it would make them particularly meaner towards out-groups''.
- Paul Bloom & David Pizarro, Cornell University.
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Racism is something you learn, not something you're born with.

Monday, November 04, 2013

Cocaine cues and dopamine

In 2006 at the Brookhaven National Laboratory, New York, a set of experiments was conducted to discover the true nature of cocaine addiction. Mexican born scientist, Prof Nora Volkow, is one of America's leading specialists on drug addiction. She's on a personal mission to understand the cause of addiction, driven by memories of her alcoholic uncle. ''He was rejected by the system...not even being accepted from the perspective of him having a medical disease''.
 
Prof. Nora Volkow
What fascinates Prof Volkow is the nature of cocaine addiction. As late as the 1980's, many scientists and politicians believed cocaine was non-addictive, and she wants to prove them wrong.
 
She took fMRI images of people under the influence of cocaine to try and identify areas of the brain, and the proteins in the brain that get disrupted by use of drugs in people that lose control of their drug intake at the expense of everything else in their life.
 
 
Her images showed that cocaine changes the brains structure. ''Repeated exposure produces changes in the way that the brain gets connected, and functions that result in pathological behaviour'', and this is why she argues in favour of it being regarded as a disease.
 
Trying to understand the nature of this disease, Prof Volkow scanned hundreds of users and ex-users. While scanning the brains of ex-users she noticed an irregularity. When subjects were discussing cocaine their dopamine levels rose. She argues that you could make a case that people become addicted to the lifestyle of cocaine use. Their brains have started to respond to the lifestyle, that is; the environment, their friends, and their situations. Her team later conducted experiments to test the theory.
 
Subjects were placed in an fMRI scanner and shown images of people preparing and snorting lines of cocaine. Viewing the images resulted in a significant increase of dopamine levels in the brains of the subjects who were current users.
 
The neurological effect of cocaine
''When we exposed them with stimulants that have been linked with drugs, what we observe is a significant increase in dopamine signalling in those areas of the brain that drive the motivation of drug behaviour''.
 
Prof Volkow's research showed that cocaine is so addictive that simply showing images of its use is enough to increase a subjects dopamine levels and lead them into a relapse.
 
Law enforcement treats cocaine users as criminals rather than people suffering from a disease. Over the past ten years, the government in the U.S. has repeatedly slashed funding for drug rehabilitation programmes and increased funding for prisons. The result: a million Americans are imprisoned on drug related charges, costing the American taxpayer 12.5 billion dollars per year.
 
Prof Volkow believes that the government's approach of criminalising and imprisoning drug use without proper treatment is misguided and statistics support her claims. Cocaine users are likely to relapse after leaving prison and end up re-incarcerated with 40% of cocaine users and 77% of crack convicts being re-offenders.
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Volkow, N.D., Wang, G.J., Telang, F., Fowler, J.S., Logan, J., Childress, A.R., Jayne, M., Ma, Y., Wong, C.J. (2006). Cocaine cues and dopamine in dorsal striatum: mechanism of craving in cocaine addiction. Journal of Neuroscience 14; 26 (24): 6583-8